National Identity and Structural Analysis in the Perspective of Globalization

"Softpower".1 Research "identification" and explore the effective path of national identity construction in a specific social context has become an everlasting and important topic in the academic community. At present, there are numerous studies on national identity, including ethnic identity, Civil identity, political identity, regional identity, cultural identity, institutional identity, social identity, and so on.

In terms of ethnic identity, He Jinrui and Yan Jirong believe that national identity is a prerequisite for national identity on the one hand, and is recognized and protected by national identity on the other. Citizen countries need to constantly guide the rise of national identity and national identity if they stay in the National identity may hinder the establishment of national identity. 2 Gao Yongjiu and Zhu Jun believe that there exists a value consensus and a functional interdependence relationship between ethnic identity and national identity, which can coexist harmoniously in social practice; the unified path of the two is to construct an effective integration of national heterogeneity and national unity. Citizenship, perfect civil rights system. 3 Although scholars have pointed out that there is an interdependent relationship between national identity and ethnic identity, and the need to complete the national identity from the national identity and the establishment of citizenship, institutional formation of national identity and national identity, but because of its focus remains In the country's identity of the monomorphic form, citizens follow two approaches to national identity: citizen's identification with the country/nation and recognition of the state's state system. This is a match between citizenship and national identity. Logical foundation; In the real picture, the match between citizenship and national identity is cross-cutting and dynamic. 4 In terms of political identity, Li Suhua believes that citizens’ recognition of certain political power is a recognition, approval, and consent of citizens for political power, a stable political system, that is, how the political power of a country’s governance obtains the necessary recognition. 5 The study of Xiao Bin and Li Suhua demonstrated the basic form of national identity in terms of citizenship and political power. However, the study is only satisfied with the formulation of a unit concept of national identity and the one-way construction of national identity. The identification of multiple factors for national identity and the two-way interaction between the community and individuals. In terms of regional identity, Manuel Castells believes that regional identity is a common phenomenon of nationals' alienation from the country and the resulting recognition of the sub-community. People will resist the process of individualization and social atomization, and are more willing to gather together in those organizations that continue to create a sense of belonging and eventually produce a community in many cases. Corresponding regional community of interests and regional identity. In the aspect of cultural identity, Han Zhen believes that the cultural identity can be found in He Jinrui and Yan Jirong: "On Ethnic Identity to National Identity", Journal of the Central University for Nationalities (Philosophy and Society, see Gao Yongjiu and Zhu Jun: "On the People in Multi-ethnic Countries." "Recognition and national identity", "ethnic research" in 2010 See Xiao Bin: "Citizens Recognize the State's Logical Approaches and Realistic Views and Correct Answers to the Matching Theory." See Manuel Castell: "Identified Power (2nd ed.), translated by Cao Rongxiang, Beijing: Social Sciences Press, 2006, p. 65.

It is the manifestation of human social attributes. Cultural identity constitutes the intermediary form of ethnic identity and national identity. 1 Although Castel and Han Zhen noticed that national identity is not a simple unit concept, it also reveals that national identity is not a single form or a side-by-side interpretation, but it is contrary to the two-and even three-factor explanatory framework. Objectively ignores the fact that national identity is a fusion and convergence of multi-identity. It does not go deep into national identity. Different identity forms and concepts are displayed at different angles, aspects, and boundaries in different fields. Therefore, they are suspected of generalization. .

Obviously, in many previous studies, national identity is only a one-way deduction of the community or the individual, rather than a more two-way construction of the community and the individual; the national identity is only a unit of national identity, the concept of political identity, or two yuan. Even a simple collection of triads, such as ethnic identity, political identity, and cultural identity, rather than a pluralistic identification of convergence and convergence, shows different forms and concepts of identity in different fields with multiple perspectives, aspects, and boundaries. . In other words, the current domestic national identity research either stays at the level of specific micro-level studies or pursues grand narratives, and what is missing is the academic study at the meso-level. In fact, the Mesochoic level is both an intermediary for communicating micro and macro, and it has its own independence. It is a study of how the national identity is constructed and how it changes, what is the strength to support the construction and transition of national identity, and the fundamentals that constitute the national identity. It is of utmost importance that issues such as what is supported.

China is undergoing a transition from a traditional society to a modern society. Few countries in history have undergone such a huge transformation process in such a wide range of fields as society, economy, politics, and culture. This profound transformation will inevitably undergo profound changes. Social pain. The transformation from the traditional planned economy system to the market economy system is a profound social change with double influences. It will inevitably lead to a series of unprecedented changes in various fields, such as politics, culture, and society. Market economy creates "national economy"

The powerful function of integration also has "negative energy" that divides society and breeds conflicts of interest. On the one hand, the level of integration in Chinese society has been unprecedentedly improved; on the other hand, the development gaps and interest conflicts between regions, between urban and rural areas, and between nationalities have also clearly emerged. Uneven distribution of benefits and social equity imbalances intensify social conflicts. They also affect the national identity of various ethnic groups and the cohesion of the Chinese nation to varying degrees.

Not only that, China, which has implemented reforms and opening up since 1978, has increasingly been integrated into the globalization system and process. Starting with economic globalization, globalization is a comprehensive process that includes economic, political, cultural, and social dynamics. The expansion of the influence of supranational authority among intergovernmental international organizations, the wave of economic globalization represented by the global competition of large multinational corporations, the wave of cultural globalization based on new media such as the Internet, and the politics of western developed countries represented by the United States The "preemptive" advantages of economy, culture and culture all have a huge impact on the traditional identity and cultural identity of the developing countries, especially the national identity. At this stage, China is faced with the two-way interaction of global external forces and social internal transformation. In the dual space-time coordinate of “social transformation in the context of globalization”, the challenges faced by the national identity are even more severe. This is exactly the basis of the argument and the realistic direction of the study.

1See Han Zhen: "On the analysis and thinking of national identity, ethnic identity, and cultural identity based on historical philosophy". Second, the conceptual basis and connotation of national identity: regional, economic, cultural, political, social, and Country. As time and circumstances change, the respective weights of these identities will also change. They sometimes complement each other and sometimes conflict with each other. The "1" identity is "imaginary," and the imagination is one of the two sides of the conflict: one side is "sameness", or "self-categorization," which is shared with other actors. Or confirm; the other side is “diversity”, that is, the regulated nature of the actor that is different from his actor, or the stipulation of the social actor as “I” instead of “he.” How to treat it? The concept of "identification has two conflicts and contradictions at the same time. It should be said that whether it is "identification" or "dissimilarity," essentially constitutes the "identity" of the two sides of this coin. It is even said that seeking "dissimilarity" is still acknowledging." With the "indispensable prerequisite.

In psychology, this kind of "differentiation" is usually realized in the form of "bias",2 and has a strong sense of centralism. Therefore, "identity" mostly means "thinking of difference" and "constructing the same thing." Imagine the "enemy" of the opposite, that is, the "other", and then you can construct the "identity" of "me". 3 However, as the distinction between the boundaries of the body becomes blurred and confused. Under the changing and diverse frame of reference, different meanings, different levels, and different forms of identity were mapped out, and different identifications produced different individual ownership concepts and different national symbolic structures. For example, for the Chinese, "identity" corresponds to the collection of people as "Chinese". The common characteristics and national character of the "Chinese" group constitute the basis for the identity of the Chinese nation. In terms of the basic national character, all Chinese should share the same.

However, compared to "Americans", the recognition of "Chinese" precisely highlights the personality and characteristics of "Chinese".

Identity emphasizes the self-construction of individuals or groups, that is, they emphasize the identity of carriers. “The self is partly constituted by its self-interpretation” 4 that “identity” embodies the subjectivity of the identity carrier, emphasizing Samuel Huntington: “Who are we, the challenges facing the US national identity”, translated by Cheng Kexiong, Beijing : Xinhua Publishing House, 2005, p. 21.

Huntington believes that in order to establish the 'us' identity, we must search for the opposite, that is, construct the enemy and seek our own image from the imagination of the enemy. For the United States, the ideal enemy This is ideologically antagonistic to oneself, racially and culturally different from oneself, and militaryly strong enough to pose a credible threat to the security of the United States. "(See Samuel Huntington: "Who Are We, Challenges to the National Characteristics of the United States," Charles Taylor: "The Origins of the Self: The Formation of Modern Identity," Han Zhen et al., Nanjing: Yilin Press, personal or The group's self-construction.” With regard to identity, when it refers to social actors, I think it is a process of constructing meaning on the basis of cultural traits or a related set of cultural traits.... Identity is the meaning of actors. The source of the actor is also constructed by the actor through an individualized process.“The identity of a person or group” has a very active identity during self-construction. It is a self-awareness of a person or a group. It is The product of self-consciousness.” 2 It is not a mere internalization of consciousness or image-building. “In the vast majority of cases, identity is a constructed concept. People are under varying pressures, incentives or freedom of choice. The decision of one's own identity” 3 is based on self-reflection and self-nterpret for the external environment. Selective acceptance or attribution.4 Under the background of globalization and risk society, new information and new knowledge form a new living environment, and the new external environment constructs new cognitive development of individuals, that is, to make their own development. “Reflexive project.” 5 “National identity” is “planning” important issues, which means that individuals are subjective and constructive when they construct and choose identity, and that they are dominant, that is, “individualization” becomes a national The unavoidable trend of identity, of course, the individual's dominance and freedom in identifying construction and choice are not in the perfect context, just as “human consciousness is divided into the three levels of discourse awareness, practice awareness, and unconsciousness”, 6 The stipulations of the statute framework and the basic order of the sexual system structure make the “identity” of an individual “driven by the structure” rather than the “autonomy construction”.

The "self-identification" (self-dentity) and the "self-efficacy" (self-identification) of "personality" and "difference" are more demonstrated. The “personalization” (depersonalization) that embodies the attribution and classiness at the individual level is the “national identity” of the “seeking common ground”.

(nationalidentity). The two are entangled contradictoryly and form the two sides of the "identity" of the individual. Of course, "a man cannot be based on himself but himself," and "only among other egoes," or "in a dialogue with some people, I am ego." 7 Therefore, the “national identity” of “seeking common ground” is premised on the “self-identity” of “reserve differences”. In other words, national identity covers or includes personal identity, and all forms of so-called “identity” are In the country, different reference bodies and different cut-in surfaces were launched. For Manuel Castell: "The Power of Identity," translated by Xia Zhuji, Beijing: Social Science Press, 2003, pp. 2-3.

Samuel Huntington: “Who are we, the challenges of American national identity”, p.20.

Samuel Huntington: "Who Are We, Challenges to the National Character of the United States", p. 21.

Of course, the ''identity'' initiative of self-construction is also the result and representation of the reflexive monitoring of actions of the actor's actions (see Anthony Giddens: “The Composition of Society: An Outline of Structured Theory”). Translated by Li Meng, Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore, 1998) Antony Giddens: Modernity and Self-identity: The Self and Society in the Late Modern Times, Zhao Xudong, Fang Wenyi, Beijing: Sanlian Bookstore, 1998, p. 39 .

Anthony Giddens: Modernity and Self-identity: The Modern Self and Society in the Late Modern Times, p. 39.

Charles Taylor: The Origin of the Self: The Formation of Modern Identity, pp. 48–50.

For people and groups, self-categorization and reference are different, and their content will naturally appear different. Today, what we call “political identity,” “national identity,” “geographical identity,” “cultural identity,” and “system identity,” are all essentially “national identity.” It is a national identity of a specific form and it is a “Any country’s category or organization is ascribed.” 1 Identity is defined as a cultural identity. For example, Samuel P. Huntington emphasized in the book “Who Are We, the Challenge of American National Identity?” The recognition of the core status of the Protestant culture does not have the national identity of the United States. "The Protestant culture of Anglo-Saxon has always played a central role in American national identity/national characteristics."2 However, this argument is not necessarily universal. In real life, It is not uncommon for there to be a subjective tension between national identity and cultural identity, as Lu Xun’s generation of new cultural masters has a strong nation-state identity on the one hand and strong traditional Chinese culture on the other. Exclusion, and make every effort to get rid of the Chinese traditional culture on their own, the Chinese people's thinking of the shackles. The paradox is that this rejection and its cultural opposition is based precisely on this nation and national identity on the deep, or in order to better identify with this nation and country.

In traditional countries, individuals or groups are in relatively stable social circles and stable living and production spaces. In the national context of that time, there are pre-ideal role arrangements and internalization of recognition, so that the identification of individuals or groups need not be constructed and selected. For the traditional China, where the family and country are identical, the country’s identity is even more a matter of course. Even if the so-called “loyalty and filial piety” is identified, it is because of the lack of individual subjectivity under the country’s family, the country’s small population, and the country’s standard. Must disappear in the intangible. In sharp contrast to this, under the background of the rush of globalization, national identity is increasingly becoming a problem. The development of modern communications and transportation technologies has extended the established spatial boundaries and fixed networks. With the constant changes and transcendence of physical boundaries, the most stable carrier of organization in nation-states is also submerged in the modernity of mobility. When the disappearance of certainty, the mobility of space, and the overall relativization displace the ever-changing concepts of time, space, and culture, the cultural connotation of the country is evacuated, filled, and reproduced. In addition, the point, line, and face of risk under uncertainty increase to flood, making the identity of individuals from the ontological security of ontological anxiety, while the national identity suffers from the obscure animator on the subject of recognition and the incomprehensible reference on the object. Thus, the question of "how to obtain national identity" was replaced by the question of "how can national identity be possible?"

What is equally embarrassing is that the disappearance of certainty does not allow humans to abandon the need for certainty. Instead, it further urges people to realize the importance of certainty. As a result, the pursuit of certainty without certainty is promoted as a crucial issue. The same is true of “national identity”, which is Samuel Huntington of it: “Who are we, the challenges of American national identity”, p.27.

It is only time to let people suddenly notice its importance. It is precisely because of its impossibility that its necessity is highlighted. Even to a certain extent, it can be said that “national identity” has become the last straw of the various “determined state organizations” and “cultural types” that have saved the recognition crisis from the impact of globalization. This is not just for developing countries that are disadvantaged in globalization. Developed countries can hardly stay out of the picture. This is exactly what Huntington described as the main reason why the United States is facing a serious crisis of national identity and cultural division. It should be pointed out that national identity has a variety of forms, but the focus of this paper focuses on the functional power of national identity, the supporting system behind the functional power, and the ideal form of supporting system function matching.

Third, the functional power of the country's identity As stated at the beginning, the primary reason for the rise of “national identity” is its extraordinary power that has been excavated or constructed. Here, it is necessary to give a theoretical account of "the functional power of national identity." This is not only due to the necessity of fully demonstrating "national identity", but it is also indispensable for the argumentative basis of this article. Custer believes that "identity is a more stable source of meaning than a role, because identity involves the process of self-construction and individualization. What identity organizes is meaning, and what character organizes is function." At the same time as self-constructed sources of meaning, national identity is also internalized into the negotiation and arrangement of some dominant institutions and organizations, that is, the role of integration in recognition and the emergence of functions in the meaning. In fact, while national identity does not cure all diseases, it does have some real functional power. It can guarantee individual ontological security, maintain the country’s harmonious development, and in the “reform” national identity in the era of globalization. Play a very important role.

(1) Personal level: Maintaining ontological security From a personal perspective, “a specific national identity influences a person’s various behaviors and basic preferences to a large extent”. 2 The successful construction of national identity helps individuals to self-perceive, self-select, self-conceive and judge self-identity given by the state, maintain personal ontological security, prevent ontological anxiety, and constantly adjust their roles and behaviors to adapt to the country. Institutional rules and ethics. "Knowing who you are is a sense of direction in the moral space. The questions that arise in the moral space are what is good or bad, what is worth doing and what is not worth doing, and what is meaningful and important to you. And what is shallow and secondary.”3 If a person lacks identity, then there is an “identity crisis”, which will result in serious senselessness and uncertainty. Relative to Manuel Castell: The Power of Identity, pp. 5-6.

Charles Taylor: The Origin of the Self: The Formation of Modern Identity, p. 38.

Charles Taylor's ethical definition of identity, Anthony Giddens's understanding seems more realistic. In Giddens's view, identity is not only the "reflexive planning" made by individual development, but more importantly, the individual's drive to seek ontological security. The so-called “ontological security” refers to the “confidence or trust in the nature of the natural world and the social world that reflects their intrinsic nature, including the basic measure of existence of self-identification and national identity”1 as an ordinary member of the country in the country. The bottom line of livelihood in life.

Individuals interact with other actors in their national environment by grasping and understanding national norms in their interactions, and determining the routine (routinization) in daily life through these national norms. The defined spatial boundaries and grid-controllable communicative networks constitute the usual routines of life. Once the habitual life situation has been dissolved, the uncertainties accompanied by the decline of trust and the ambiguity of recognition have only come from the ontological anxiety of ontological security.

In traditional countries, basically unchanged “traditions” form the basis of national identity, and the recognition and maintenance of customary life situations ensure the ontological safety of people. At this point, "reflexive surveillance of actions" shows the subjectivity of people in achieving national identity. However, this subjectivity is very important in itself, and there are not many calculations and options. However, after entering modernity, especially the later stage of modernity, it will be different. Since Descartes's principle of universal skepticism is the constitutive principle of modern society, especially the risk society, everything is not the ultimate and correct in modern countries and risk society. Everything is open and modifiable. Everything is risky. . This principle of modernity has two effects on the individual's national identity: On the one hand, the modern state is a post-traditional country, a country where routine daily life has been completely broken, and a variety of risks from each In a country where individuals are responsible for an individual, when the ontological anxiety floods the individual's routine life, the “identity crisis” is no longer a simple lack of sense of morality, but a dispersion of the material and spiritual foundations on which the national identity depends. On the other hand, under the high-tech and highly rational nature of the risk society, the individual national identity is more based on calculation, criticism, and suspicion. Therefore, rationalism and skepticism are popular in the identity crisis, and the stability of individual identity in the country is expected. And how to get out of the recognition crisis will lack the necessary considerations.

From the perspective of the state, recognizing the realization of economic welfare production and reproduction on economic incentives establishes the inward legitimacy of political values, and institutionally determines the country's symbolic boundaries. The country recognizes that in accordance with national factors and social plans, it processes vast amounts of material from historical and geographic information, production and reproduction systems, moral value judgments, power machines and religious revelations, and rearranges their significance. The theory of national identity regards identity as a process of differentiating between internal and external groups. Identity is a kind of self and other person's construction that belongs to the individual. It is attributed to the "I" country by identifying common characteristics. At the same time, it produces the "I" country preference and "he" national prejudice. Individuals improve emotional attachment and psychological security by achieving or maintaining positive national identity. Active Anthony Giddens: “The Structure of Society: A Theoretical Theoretical Outline”, p. 524.

The dependence and guarantees are derived from the favorable comparison between the "I" country and the related "he" country. Therefore, "the cohesiveness of the country and the people's loyalty to it depend on the country's ability to ensure personal well-being." 1 When national identity is threatened, individuals adopt various strategies to improve emotional attachment and psychological security. At this time, the national identity is more like a reservoir of capacity. 1 The government can reduce dependence on violence and have greater ability. To solve some fundamental problems, "2. Individuals are overly keen on preferences." I "States and prejudices." He "States. And in the pursuit of positive national identity and emotional attachment in understanding the differences between countries, it is easy to cause national prejudice and the country. As we all know, although the Jewish nation survived thousands of years of displacement, it successfully survived Israel’s founding. This was largely due to its strong and ever-lasting national identity, but it was not until it established a nation-state. The Jewish nation was truly self-reliant and self-reliant than the forests of the nations of the world, and formed an unprecedented cohesiveness and a strong national strength of the Jewish nation as a result of the powerful national carrier of national identity. This is a good illustration of the fact that “nation-states are based on many On the basis of ethnicity, it is still widely recognized as the reason for "3."

The Chinese civilization is the only form of ancient civilization that has lasted for thousands of years and continues to this day. The causes of it are intricate and complex, but one main line that runs through is the recognition of the country (however its specific form changes, and never changes). The absence of "patriotism" in the 21st century is still an indispensable part of the socialist core values ​​and core value system with Chinese characteristics, and even forms the "hard core" of the system.

The significance of national identity is even more prominent in the era of globalization. Custer fully explained this point.

He saw the rise of nationalism, new social movements and other forces under the conditions of globalization. The important support behind these forces is a new kind of national identity, which is mainly expressed by what he called “planning identity” and “legitimate identity”. . (4) National identity generally experiences a transition from "rejective identity" that resists dominance to national social transition to "planned identity," and eventually transforms into a new "dominant identity" under a new dominant system. Of course, the balance of “legitimate identities” is accompanied by the breakage of specific conditions and conditions, and another round is broken. This also shows that national identities need to develop dynamically along with specific historical situations. “In a period of history that is generally riddled with organizational collapse, institutional misappropriation, disappearance of major social movements, and sudden death of cultural manifestations, identification has become a major, sometimes even the only, source of meaning.”5 This view of Castell is enough to explain Alain Touraine's globalization against the background: "On the one hand, a global network of production, consumption, and communications emerged from the ruins of modern society and its systems. On the other hand, The community returned to Eric Keduri: Nationalism, translated by Zhang Mingming, Beijing: Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2002, p. 4.

Eric Hobsbawm, "National and Nationalism," translated by Li Jinmei, Shanghai: Shanghai Century Publishing Group, Manuel Castell: "The Power of Identity" (Second Edition), pp. 6-7.

Manuel Castell: The Rise of the Internet Society, Translated by Xia Zhuji et al., Beijing: Social Science Press, reviving the original state of "1. This paradox is awe-inspiring. However, the discussion here is similar to the previous one. Globalization makes comparisons that make identification difficult, and it seems to be able to see the logical contradiction. In fact, this is not so much a (3) globalization level: “Renewal” national identity follows Marx’s view” along with this Concentration or a few capitalists’ deprivation of the majority of capitalists... The people of all countries are increasingly drawn into the world market network, and the capitalist system is increasingly of an international nature “2 and disappears at the same time.”3 Clearly, on the one hand, globalization is the result of capital promotion. The unrestricted expansion of capital makes the capital owner’s own ideology and local culture erode the ethnic identity of the vulnerable groups, leading to the decline of the disadvantaged groups in the country and the public domain, and the country’s identity becoming vulnerable; on the other hand, globalization as a global risk The process of social formation, everything becomes uncertain, individual and group's own rights and the stability of the country's welfare The expectation was weakened, the deterministic arrangement of public life was broken, and the ecological foundation for the stability of the national identity was weakened, suspended, or even pulled away. However, at the same time, the development of modern communication technologies and transportation technologies made various Cross-regional communication is possible, and people can establish new national identity through these global technologies; and as mentioned above, identity itself is the existence of contradictory unity between “seeking common ground” and “reserving differences”. While globalization continues to expand and profoundly reshape the lives of disadvantaged groups, it has inadvertently become awakened, reinforcing the nation’s own interests and its own uniqueness such as the political values, cultural traditions, etc. of nation-states. Therefore, “national identity in the context of globalization presents the parallel features of digestion and reconstruction, weakening and strengthening” 5 Ethnic minority groups in disadvantaged groups adopt the reproduction of national identity, adjust and innovate their own structural functions, and make new national identity acceptable. Effectively resisting the erosion of universalism by the powerful owners of capital in globalization, the implementation of policies has led to the essential consistency of the consciousness of the Asian, African, and African nation-states. We can see that, from the paradoxical effects of globalization in recognition, the nation-state identity and its associated cultural identity Alan Tuina: "Can we live together, both equal and different from each other?" Translated by Di Yuming, Beijing: Commercial Press, 2003, p. 5.

Anthony Giddens: "How does globalization out of control reshape our lives", translated by Zhou Hongyun, Nanchang: Jiangxi People's Publishing House, 2001, p.9.

Wang Zhuojun and He Hualing: “National Identity in the Globalization Age: Crisis and Reconstruction”, “China Social Sciences” 2013 Jin Taijun and Yan Jing: “Reconstructing National Identity in the Context of Globalization”, Jiang Haixue The reproduction of 2013 is, to a large extent, becoming one of the effective choices and paths to promote the reconstruction of nation-states.

Fourth, the national identity of the support system National identity can not fully play a stable and lasting role, it requires some basic structural support. This basic support system has three levels at the meso level: economic incentive system, political value system and institutional organization system. Regardless of its theoretical structure or practical life, regardless of its specific structural form, these three basic areas always have a certain degree of positive effect on the stabilization of national identity.

The key issue here is: Why are these three areas, rather than other areas, constituting the basic support system for national identity? How do these three areas play their supporting role in national identity, and when they play their biggest supporting role? There should be a kind of functional matching relationship between them. Here, it is necessary to define the meaning of the three basic areas that support national identity: The economic incentive system refers to the relationship between economic development performance and the public life of the country Degree, thereby mobilizing the public’s degree of national identity; the political value system is a set of logically linked values ​​and beliefs that provide a cognitive system1 and a symbolic symbol system that evokes people’s “rule of rulers”. "Legal beliefs,"2 is to cultivate the public's recognition of the country's political system; the institutional organization system is to instill the organization's behavior rules, routines and all procedures, to shape the role of the organization's behavior and to create organizational methods and culture.

The economic incentive system is a basic aspiration for the enrichment of the public domain resources and the satisfaction of the people’s economic interests, and the realization of ontological security in the country’s life. The realization and improvement of the economic incentive system has profoundly affected people’s confidence in the country, as well as their perception and judgment, that is, the degree of national identity of the people. According to Ulrich Beck, the establishment and improvement of western welfare states since the 1960s laid the foundation for individual reinforcement, weakened people’s reliance on the category of collective sex, and made the collective life established in the first modern society lost its legitimacy. The foundation of sex, and resulting in universal freedom and equality as the core principles of a modern society, are the initiators of the creation of a variety of difficult-to-know social forms. 3 This assertion illustrates the role of economic incentives in one aspect of national identity, namely the promotion of individualized development. Because a basic assumption in Western welfare state theory is that welfare is the basic right of every citizen. The establishment of a welfare state not only highlights the idea of ​​equality and freedom, but also gives people a certain degree of freedom from the “work for life”, that is, the “small group” of work units, and enhances personal identity. Max Weber: “Economic and Social "Shang Juan, translated by Lin Rongyuan, Beijing: Commercial Press, 1997, p.239.

See Xiao Xiao: "Risk society and its surpass have had a strong influence. However, judging from such a perspective alone, the relationship between national identity and economic incentives is not only biased but also seems too romantic. Baker did not see the national state as the decisive prerequisite for understanding the social welfare state1. That is, the important effect of the social welfare system is the unity of the nation-state and the individual-independence of the state-identity. In fact, in the modernization transition and development, nation-states have chosen economic incentives as an effective way to promote the people’s confidence in the country, making the country’s ideas, behaviors, and forms more visible to the public’s perception and internalizing their national identity. This created a dynamic national identity.

An important reason why an effective economic incentive system can promote nation-state identity is that it makes the country the carrier for providing "ontological security" for the people.吉登斯指出：“个体行动者对对象世界连续性和社会活动构造抱有信任感。这种信任感的基础，在于这些行动者与他们的日常生活过程里进行活动的社会情境之间，存在着某些可以明确指出的关联。”②在一个不确定的国家中，经济激励成功地给予个体在例行生活中的本体性安全，从而显著提升个体对于国家认同的程度。在现实生活中，这个观点的佐证材料俯拾皆是。正面的例子是中国改革开放30多年来的转型发展。十年“文革”结束后，原有的计划经济体制束缚着国家现代化的发展与个人的利益诉求。经济激励抓住发展这个“硬道理”，使国家从无序转为有序，从停滞走向发展，人民生活质量逐步提高，抵御风险能力日益增强，实现了以经济激励有效性换取国家认同稳固性。反面的例子则是2005年10月法国巴黎郊区爆发的规模浩大的移民后裔暴动事件。二战结束后，法国逐步建立起了完备的社会福利体系，有效促进了法国的民族国家认同。但由于法国社会深刻的种族主义传统，这些经济激励在面对外来移民及其后裔时表现出了严重的种族歧视性，造成后者在生活上、权利上、工作上同法国本土居民之间的严重不平等，对法国的民族国家认同大打折扣。一些移民后裔在接受采访时愤然说道：我是法国人，但不是“真正的”法国人。言下之意，他们在法理上已经是法国人了，但在真实的公民权利上却被排斥在法国人之外。

关于经济激励与国家认同的关系，从全球化背景下社会福利面临的挑战方面也可得到佐证。全球化对民族国家认同的冲击是毋庸置疑的，实际上，这种冲击并不仅仅局限于整体性方面，还表现在诸多方面，“全球化在冲击民族国家的同时也对以民族国家为基础的社会福利制度构成冲击；风险的全球化造成建立在民族国家基础上的社会福利制度在抗拒风险方面的失效”。③所有这些因全球化而起的力量通过经济激励这一中介进入到民族国家认同层面，然后又迂回曲折地最终回到民族国家，12最终加剧了民族国家的认同危机。

众所周知“当个人深信习俗、规则和法律是正当的时候，他们也会服从于它们”。①可见在维系国家团结方面，政治价值系统具有不可或缺的作用。在这三个支撑体系中，政治价值系统与国家认同之间的同质性最强。通过不间断地灌输某种特定的政治价值，形成对“反身性筹划”个体外在的、客观的、结构性力量，将政治价值中一些基本观念内化为公众的政治信仰和政治心态，再经过公众个体的理性反思、诠释和再建构，从而完成政治价值社会化过程。公众在潜移默化中接受、认同该政治价值“遵守当权者制定和实施的法规，而且还不仅仅是因为若不遵守就会受到惩处，而是因为他们确信遵守是应该的”②这样，政治价值就有效支撑了国家认同。

当然，集体层面的政治价值与以个人为主体的国家认同之间在理论上也有重叠，这就是涂尔干（EmileDurkheim）所说的“机械团结”。在这个背景下，集体意识即集体层次上的政治价值系统处于绝对的支配地位“所有社会成员的共同观念和倾向”“当集体意识完全覆盖了我们的整个意识，并在所有方面都与我们息息相通的时候，那么从相似性产生出来的团结就发展到了它的极致状态，但此时此刻我们的个性却已丧失殆尽”。③在这种情况下，因为个性的缺失，国家认同也就缺失了。个人完全处于无意识状态，成了某种集体意识的傀儡，沦为一群完全为集体意识所操纵的“乌合之众”（thecrowd）。④虽然建构集体层面的政治价值系统的目标导向明确，即束缚、规约、导引乃至“变身”为个人层面的国家认同，但试图在特殊且短暂的时期通过涂尔干所谓的“压制”⑤或者勒庞（GustaveLeBon）所谓的“道德净化”⑥实现这个目标，在大多数情况下可能性是非常有限的。当缺乏个人对政治价值的“反身性筹划”时，换言之，个人并没有对集体层面政治价值的过滤、把握道格拉斯*C.诺思：《经济史中的结构与变迁》，陈郁、罗华平等译，上海：上海三联书店，1991年，第12页。

加布里埃尔*A.阿尔蒙德、小G.宾厄姆鲍威尔：《比较政治学：体系、过程和政策》，曹沛霖等译，上海：上海译文出版社，1987年，第35―36页。

埃米尔涂尔干：《社会分工论》，渠东译，北京：三联书店，2000年，第90页。

参见古斯塔夫勒庞：《乌合之众大众心理研究》，冯克利译，北京：中央编译出版社，2004年。

古斯塔夫勒庞：《乌合之众大众心理研究》，第40页。

和再构建，政治价值很难让个人的国家认同与其保持“路径依赖”。①恰如涂尔干所言“当国家进入分工状态时，人的个性开始成长，出现了游离于集体意识之外的倾向，个人的反思和批判意识得以培育，人们一旦学会了反省，思想就不能不产生分歧，思想一旦在质上和量上都随人而异，那么国家的离心力就会逐渐增强”。②涂尔干的这段话一方面说明了个体性发育对国家团结的影响以及集体层面的政治价值系统重建的必要性，另一方面也暗示在一个现代国家的分工中，政治价值系统只有通过个人的理性批判和反思机制进入到个人的国家认同，才能真正发挥效力，才能既维护国家的团结又增进个人和整个国家的活力。这一点对于那些企图继续通过愚民手段，即涂尔干称之为机械团结的手法或者马克思所说的“虚假意识”，来实现国家的所谓“凝聚'、”稳定“和”秩序“的政府和政党应该具有强烈的震撼意义。因此，如何构建有效的、具有”托底“功能的集体层面的政治价值系统就显得至关重要。

（三）制度组织系统的支撑在国家认同的三个支撑体系中，制度组织系统是最难以界定的。其涵义太过宽泛，既可指涉最为基本的国家制度，如社会主义制度、资本主义制度，亦可指涉家族制、单位制这样相对微观的内容；既可像马克思对资本主义制度的分析那样从经济运作模式界定制度组织系统，亦可从政治制度、价值观念等视角窥视制度组织系统的构成。本文所指涉的制度组织系统，大致符合以下经典定义：“一种行为规则，这些规则涉及社会、政治及经济行为”，③“它们被用于支配特定的行为模式与相互关系”④也就是人们有意识地制定并有相应的机构负责强制执行的规则，以及人们在日常生活中无意识形成的诉诸人的自律的基本制度安排和治理模式以及民间组织等。

从历史上看，很少有前现代的国家会在日常生活的管理上设计出一套统一的、普适性的制度。大多数制度都是在生活中慢慢衍生而出的，如中国传统社会的家族制度。同一时空结构中的各种社会组织方式之间大多不是相互补充和协调的关系，而可能是彼此矛盾甚至冲突的。进入现代社会以后，在崇尚市场自由主义的国家，一方面这里强调国家认同要通过个人的理性和反思能力，主要依据的是吉登斯的相关观点。

换言之，理性和反思是日常生活意义上的，具有例行化特点，但又非常有限，混杂有各种非理性因素，并不具有纯粹工具理性的性质。

埃米尔涂尔干：《社会分工论》，第113页。

TW舒尔茨：《制度与人的经济价值的不断提高》，R.科斯、A.阿尔钦、D.诺斯等：三联书店、上海人民出版社，1994年，第253页。

VW拉坦：《诱致性制度变迁理论》，R.科斯、A.阿尔钦、D.诺斯等：《财产权利与制度变迁产权学派与新制度学派译文集》，第329页。

是按照自由主义原则把国家对社会生活的管理缩小到最低限度，另一方面则是各种普适性法规的出台，用以协调民族国家范围内的各种社会关系，同时还自发生长出各种民间组织，对局部的社会生活进行组织和管理。这两类社会组织方式都有碎片化特点，其所组织的社会也不具有“总体性社会”的基本特征。只有推行社会主义制度的国家，从计划经济要求出发对社会生活实施非常严格和细致的管理“总体性社会”

才成为现实。譬如中国在20世纪50年代就建立起了非常完备的社会组织方式，包括城市的单位制、农村的人民公社制、城乡二元分立的户籍制度和阶级分类方法。这些制度安排使每一个人都限定在特定的位置上，而科层制中的人际交往则按照阶级身份、职业身份和户籍身份进行。制度的触角深入到家庭生活的各个细节之中。

制度组织系统之所以被视为国家认同支撑体系的基本内容，原因不外乎三个：第一“制度是一系列被制定出来的规则、守法程序和行为的道德伦理规范”①事实上，制度组织系统在提供个体本体性安全的同时，也在向个体渗透其蕴涵着的理自身反思和诠释评价与比较制度组织系统背后的理论前提和价值观念。第二，反过来看，任何一种制度组织系统的建设并不完全敞开国家认同，制度是“管束特定行为模型和关系的一套行为规则”，②即制度组织系统体现人们已有的价值观念。韦伯在探讨资本主义的宗教起源时给了国家认同与社会组织方式之间这种关系的一个最好例证。他认为，制度“规定确立集体选择的条件的基本规则，这些规则是制定规则的规则”。③正是基于个体对基督教基本教义的认同，催生出教徒按教义行事的一整套行为规范和道德准规范，例如入世禁欲主义等等，这些制度组织系统则逐渐演化为资本主义制度。而中国改革开放前，传统平均主义的大锅饭分配诉求也外露为单位制和人民公社制的产生与运作。第三，正如制度安排“是支配经济单位之间可能合作与竞争的方式的一种安排”④制度组织系统鲜活指涉个体的利益基本格局。

国家在现代化和社会转型中，对于个体而言，多重的压力形塑出多元的利益诉求。

在给定的制度组织系统下，资源的稀缺性导致一方个体利益满足的同时，必将伴随着另一方个体利益的忽视，而这种满足与忽视正是个体对其自身国家认同时的重要考量因子和价值走向。

道格拉斯C.诺思：《经济史中的结构与变迁》，第225―226页。

林毅夫：《关于制度变迁的经济学理论：诱致性变迁与强制性变迁》，R.科斯、A.阿尔钦、D.诺斯等：《财产权利与制度变迁产权学派与新制度学派译文集》，第377页。

戴维菲尼：《制度安排的需求与供给》，V.奥斯特罗姆、D.菲尼、H.皮希特编：《制度分析与发展的反思问题与抉择》，北京：商务印书馆，1992年，第134页。

LE戴维斯、D.诺斯：《制度变迁的理论：概念与原因》，R.科斯、A.阿尔钦、D.诺斯等：《财产权利与制度变迁产权学派与新制度学派译文集》，第271页。

五、支撑体系的功能匹配如前所述，在以上三个领域中，政治价值系统对国家认同的支撑作用最为关键。

政治价值系统作为支撑国家认同的关键变量，实质上呈现为与经济激励系统以及制度组织系统契合与匹配共同承载个体的本体性安全的同时，接受个体对其的反身性筹划从而达到内化于其中。在《社会分工论》中，涂尔干的这段话在我们今天看来已经是高度常识化的：“每个民族的道德准则都是受他们的生活条件决定的。倘若我们把另外一种道德反复灌输给他们，不管这种道德高尚到什么地步，这个民族都会土崩瓦解，所有个人也会痛苦地感受到这种混乱的状况。”①显然，在现代化条件下构建国家认同，政治价值与经济激励倘若不相契合与匹配，即使反复灌输下的国家认同也只能是“空中楼阁'、”无本之木“，自然引致国家认同危机。那么，决定政治价值系统与国家认同有效对接的生活条件是什么，答案就是经济激励系统和制度组织系统。具体来说，个体对政治价值系统的把握、诠释、再建构，一般基于自身相应的经济利益、制度安排与政治需求，并转化为某种可以触摸的形象化指标。苏联赫鲁晓夫把共产主义比喻为”土豆加牛肉“，中国”大跃进“时期把共产主义解读为”敞开肚皮吃饭“等，虽然通俗，但大体符合民众对政治价值系统的理解方式。然后，个体就会运用展现本体性安全的形象化指标来对比现实中的惯例生活质量，最为直观和具体的就是经济激励系统的利益分配和制度组织系统的制度安排。因此，当三者彼此接近时，成功的国家认同才会成为可能。

反过来，人们也会抽象出具体的经济激励系统以及制度组织系统背后所蕴涵的价值观念，将之与政治价值系统的具体内容进行对比，并根据结果确定是否接受政治价值系统。

在一个封闭社会中，政治价值系统在一定程度上可以围绕经济激励系统和制度组织系统的具体状况而调整，用政治价值系统来为经济激励系统和制度组织系统正名，而不至于过于影响国家认同的效果；然而，在全球化进程中，这三个领域都处在与国际的视野直接比较下，三者之间自由调整的空间就相对捉襟见肘很多。

新中国成立60多年来，如果以改革开放为分水岭，其基础层面的国家认同出现过高度匹配和快速分化两种情况。相比较而言，在1949一1978年间，国家认同以阶级认同为轴心，体现为人民对国家的总体性认同在基础性领域的三个方面高度匹配。

支持这种高度匹配的重要条件是封闭的计划经济体制、权力高度集中的政治体制和不发达的生产力水平。面对十年内乱带来社会动荡、经济凋敝、科技落后、人民贫困的严重局面，不改革开放，我们与世界的差距会越来越大。走回头路，意味着僵化，意味着停滞，意味着“折腾”甚至可能“被开除球籍”。于是，实行改革开放成为中国历史发展大趋势下党的正确治国方略。

在国家认同三个基础性领域高度匹配的历史条件下，人们的国家生活行为被要求的是信奉共产主义理想境界、遵循平均主义的分配原则和集体主义的组织方式。

在这种背景下，国家成员间的相互依赖度很高。随着改革力度的不断加大和市场经济体制的不断完善，国家认同基础性领域的结构形态也在不断发生变化。比如：经济激励系统经历了从相对均衡激励到非均衡激励的转变过程；政治价值系统的构成经历了从价值取向一元化到多元化的转变；制度组织系统经历了从单一的自下而上的方式到双向互动交换式的多维方式的转变。①此外，中国不可避免地逐步走向开放、进入全球产业分工体系，国家的GDP外贸依存率不断上升，经济生活的国家组织调节一定程度上正在成为“国际事务”。

在改革的前十年中，社会阶层的分化逐步出现。但此时，不同的社会群体均可以进入商品市场。由于市场准入门槛较低，各个阶层（包括底层群体）可以相对均衡地分享改革开放和经济增长的成果。1992年以来，随着经济体制改革的深入，劳动力市场逐步开始形成并在90年代中后期呈现出新的特点，比如城乡分隔和部门（国有一非国有）分隔逐渐弱化，但产业分隔日益显现。②这时，垄断性行业的进入门槛较高，甚至排斥外来劳动力的进入。这种产业分隔在社会保障方面不仅体现为“体制内”和“体制外”的所得差别明显，而且表现为自身也出现分化。20世纪90年代中后期以来，随着中国参与全球经济体系的程度越来越高，资本市场（股票市场和信贷市场）逐渐加快了市场化进程。在劳动力市场出现新的产业分隔特点和资本市场逐步开放的同时，也出现了财富向一部分国家成员集中的现象以及社会阶层进一步分化的现象。因此，一些社会阶层对过于强调扩大经济总量、以市场为主导的经济激励系统的认同也开始趋于分化。

从政治价值系统构成的转变来看，改革之前，作为中国国家认同政治价值系统的核心是马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想，其对全社会的影响是广泛而深刻的。

改革之后，其影响力正面对多种思潮的挑战。所谓新型的消费文化在市民生活中萌生。由于这种消费文化具有政治淡化的倾向，使原有政治价值系统的认同受到一定程度的影响。③当西方人文思潮影响下的相关讨论以及对改革进行的反思日益引起社会注意的时候，传统的核心价值体系逐渐成为被对话的一方。这些变化参见金太军、袁建军：《政府与企业的交换模式及其演变规律观察腐败深层机制的参见边燕杰、张展都《市场化与收入分配对1988年和1995年城市住户收入调查参见王宁：《消费社会学个分析的视角》，北京：社会科学出版社，2001年。

不仅表明人们的价值取向多元化，而且引发了人们对现实和未来的境遇作出不同的解释和预期。

当“单位制”与'人民公社制“作为社会成员的生活、生产和政治活动的基础性制度组织系统时，这两种制度体现出的是集体主义工作伦理、庇护关系、精益计划安排以及社会生活中的泛科层化管理这四个方面的高度结合。①改革开放以来，尤其是在改革向纵深拓展的情况下，制度组织系统的传统方式以及它们所依赖的政治社会条件在不断失去重要性。而政府、市场、社会等多种管理制度以及由此形成的多元治理系统正发挥着越来越大的作用。

国家认同基础性领域的上述变化，使我们可以看到中国在30多年改革开放中，经济激励系统、政治价值系统和制度组织系统之间的匹配程度是不断下降的。具体来说，20世纪80年代至90年代中期，围绕“社会主义初级阶段'、”改革“的。在这种政治价值系统支配下，社会成员对当时的主要制度组织系统的评判虽然有时不能达成一致甚至出现争论，但这些争论所运用的话语和思想资源均来自于同一个政治价值系统。所以，这一时期中即使是争论者，他们之间最低限度的一致性还是能够维持的。在此阶段，多种所有制的制度组织对经济激励趋于均衡起到了促进作用。也就是说，经济激励系统与制度组织系统之间呈现出匹配的趋势。由此可见，在经济激励系统、政治价值系统和制度组织系统之间比较匹配的情况下，基础层面的国家认同对整个国家是具有一定功能作用的。

然而，这种功能作用自20世纪90年代中后期以来发生了变化。从宏观层面看，由于产权改革的快速推进、产业结构的快速调整、社会资源（包括权力、资本和知识等）在社会结构的不同群体中的日益非均衡配置，以及网络化和全球化越来越波及人们的生活和生产，各社会阶层间的经济激励逐渐失衡，制度组织结构日趋复杂化，政治价值系统趋于多元化。这些变化使社会成员改变了原有的相互依赖机制。

换句话说，经济激励系统、制度组织系统和政治价值系统之间出现了不匹配的关系，这将会导致基础层面的国家认同难以为国家整合提供支持。

在改革早期，制度组织系统、经济激励系统以及政治价值系统这三个领域虽然都有变化，但仍处于比较匹配的状态，因而公众对改革依然持有较高的认同。当改革进入高速发展时期，制度组织系统中的旧有制度安排一单位制的废除并未伴随着新制度安排的补缺与优化而更新。经济激励系统上，平均主义的诉求随着计划经济体制的退场而分崩离析，效率作为市场经济的主旋律而大行其道，财富和资源分1996年8月；华尔德：《共产党社会的新传统主义：中国工业中的工作环境和权力结构》，龚小夏译，香港：香港牛津大学出版社，1996年。

配不均进一步拉大。然而，执政党与政府对于政治价值系统的塑造与传播仍然保持社会主义既有的价值取向，即始终强调社会主义公有制的主体地位以及共同富裕的社会主义本质规定。显然，在政治价值系统与经济激励系统以及制度组织系统之间出现了非耦合不匹配的间隙。此时，国内反思改革的思潮正是国家认同的滑坡或者说国家认同危机的体现。因此，随着改革进入深水期，更加注重社会公平与民生，使全体人民共享改革发展成果，加强反腐倡廉，建立国家安全委员会，强调社会建设与社会治理，增加社会组织活力。在构建这种政治价值系统的同时，这些政策在纠正过去几十年改革过程中的GDP主义弊端、改善民生方面已经初现成效，并得到中国民众的大力支持。科学发展观、和谐社会、中国梦理念作为一种政治价值迅速为民众所认同，塑造出一种“新的改革共识”并反过来进一步推动经济激励系统的建设和制度组织系统的改革，有望形成新的匹配模式的国家认同。

与改革前不同的是，新的治理尝试实际上不是在单一的政府行政系统内进行的，而是在一个相对开放的、由市场和社会等方面能动地参与进来的境域中开展的，也就是党的十八届三中全会提出的国家治理、政府治理与社会治理的层级化与网络化交错并存的治理体系。事实上，作为治理的第一主体政府（包括其各职能部门）在实现国家认同的治理目标时，也使自己的治理能力在超越行政的范围里得到了锤炼。但与此同时，政府也会被牵扯到多种性质的关系过程之中。在这种情况下，政府治理能力的提升就成为迫在眉睫的问题，需要政府对治理规则与各相关治理主体间关系具备很高的悟性、识别能力和应对手段。可以说，国家能在多大程度上实现其治理目标，在宏观上取决于制度组织系统、经济激励系统以及政治价值系统等三个基础性领域是否匹配以及匹配的程度，在微观上取决于相关参与者或曰多主体（包括政府在内）之间的良性互动与合作机制是否健全并能有效运行。

六、余改革开放前的中国，通过权力高度集中的政治体制和高度集中的计划经济体制、平均主义的经济分配方式与一大二公的共产主义社会政治理想，来推进经济激励系统、政治价值系统与制度组织系统之间的相互匹配，其主要考虑可以说首先是国家层面的政治与经济建设提供全面而可靠的保障。进入改革的前、中期，经济的高速增长以及由此带来的经济激励普遍提升成为社会和谐的基本条件。此时推进基础层面国家认同的主要力量不再只有政府，还有市场条件下的企业以及其他社会群体。

时至今日，国家自身建设和治理能力的提升对于获得广大国民的国家认同已非易事，不同社会群体和阶层对国家提出的政治、经济与社会建设目标的认知和期待趋于方面，在一个开放的全球化和网络时代，国家实现其建设目标的具体活动和市场发*22*展方式往往会面临前所未有的“域外变数”而国家认同通常具有相对稳定性。如果将后者的建构基于前者这两个绩效会发生波动的领域之上，那么它们之间自然会出现不协调的局面。

当制度组织系统、政治价值系统以及经济激励系统作为国家认同的三个基础性领域，能够围绕国家生活秩序和不同社会群体间的利益关系调适机制的重建，回归到一个相对匹配的结构中，那么，当前的国家认同建设就有可能获得一个稳定的支撑点。事实上，这三个基础性领域的匹配结构，其维持需要一种新的集体合作能力，而这种能力其实是一种适应于多主体框架下治理结构的互动机制。这种新的集体合作能力（或曰新的互动机制）的形成，对于每个参与者来说，往往首先取决于其对关键性规则之变化逻辑的有效领悟。从某种角度看，这种能力的形成将意味着国家认同的实际发育，可以促成一个由国家

Product Description
PTFE Tape commonly known as Teflon tape, PTFE tape or PTFE seal tape - is manufactured from pure PTFE granular resin. This Teflon tape is an ideal sealing material for pipe fitting, which is widely applied in industrial and civil-construction, machinery, chemicals, and space navigation especially in drainage systems.

Property of PTFE thread seal tape:
 
Property  Unit Result
Apparent Density g/cm3 0.2-1
Tensile Strength ≥ MPa 20-30
Crack Elongation ≥ % 150
Dielectric Strength KV/mm 10
Working Temperature °C -180°C ~ + 260°C
 
Specifications:
Width(mm) Thickness(mm) Length(mm)
12 0.075 5
12 0.075 8
12 0.075 10
12 0.075 12
12 0.1 10
12 0.1 12
12.7 0.075 10
13 0.1 15
15 0.1 20
19 0.075 10
19 0.075 20
19 0.075 50
25 0.075 20
25 0.1 50

PTFE Tape

PTFE Film Tape,Woven PTFE Tape,Waterproof Adhesive Tape,Eco-Friendly Teflon Thread PTFE

ZHENJIANG CHUNHUAN SEALING MATERIALS CO.,LTD(GROUP) , https://www.chsealing.com